食貨一
戶口田制
戶口清之民數,惟外籓扎薩克所屬編審丁檔掌於理籓院。其各省諸色人戶,由其地
長官以十月造冊,限次年八月咨送戶部,浙江清吏司司之。而滿洲、蒙古、漢軍丁檔則
司於戶部八旗俸餉處。年終,將民數匯繕黃冊以聞。
其戶之別,曰軍,曰民,曰匠,曰灶。此外若回、番、羌、苗、瑤、黎、夷等戶,
皆隸於所在府、□、州、縣。凡民,男曰丁,女曰口。男年十六為成丁,未成丁亦曰口。
丁口系於戶。凡腹民計以丁口,邊民計以戶。蓋番、回、黎、苗、瑤、夷人等,久經向
化,皆按丁口編入民數。其以戶計者,如三姓所屬赫哲、費雅喀、奇勒爾、庫葉、鄂倫
春、哈克拉五十六姓,甘肅各土司,及莊浪□所屬番子,西藏各土司所屬三十九族,烏
裡雅蘇台所屬唐努烏梁海貢貂戶,科布多所屬阿爾泰烏梁海貢貂戶、貢狐皮戶,阿爾泰
諾爾烏梁海貢貂戶、貢灰鼠皮戶,皆是。至土司所屬番、夷人等,但報明寨數、族數,
不計戶者不與其數。
For "innerland people", local governments were required to differentiate between DING and KOU and itemize both. DING "丁" + KOU " 口" = HU "戶". Southern, southeastern and southwestern 'minority' people, should report in same way, i.e., itemization. For Manchuria area, Mongolia, and Altai area, i.e., borderland area, those people just needed to report HU -households the GROSS number, not ITEMIZED numbers, [the same way as ancient Han Dynasty treated the stats for the Huns].
凡民之著籍,其別有四:曰民籍;曰軍籍,亦稱衛籍;曰商籍;曰灶籍。其經理之
也,必察其祖籍。如人戶於寄居之地置有墳廬逾二十年者,准入籍出仕,令聲明祖籍回
避。倘本身已故,子孫於他省有田土丁糧,原附入籍者,聽。軍流人等子孫隨配入籍者,
准其考試之類是也。又必辨其宗系。如民人無子,許立同宗昭穆相當者為後。其有女婿、
義男及收養三歲以下小兒,酌給財產,不得遂以為嗣之類是也。且必區其良賤。如四民
為良,奴僕及倡優為賤。凡衙署應役之皁隸、馬快、步快、小馬、禁卒、門子、弓兵、
仵作、糧差及巡捕營番役,皆為賤役,長隨與奴僕等。其有冒籍、跨籍、跨邊、僑籍皆
禁之。
"People" were subdivided into four categories, civilian, military garrison, merchant and ZAO [灶籍 - salt worker] categories. Strict regulations were enforced to prevent any violation of faking-category, trans-category, borrowing-category ...
世祖入關,有編置戶口牌甲之令。其法,州縣城鄉十戶立一牌長,十牌立一甲長,
十甲立一保長。戶給印牌,書其姓名丁口。出則注所往,入則稽所來。其寺觀亦一律頒
給,以稽僧道之出入。其客店令各立一簿,書寓客姓名行李,以便稽察。及乾隆二十二
年,更定十五條:一,直省所屬每戶歲給門牌,牌長、甲長三年更代,保長一年更代。
凡甲內有盜竊、邪教、賭博、賭具、窩逃、姦拐、私鑄、私銷、私鹽、跴曲、販賣硝磺,
並私立名色斂財聚會等事,及面生可疑之徒,責令專司查報。戶口遷移登耗,隨時報明,
門牌內改換填給。一,紳衿之家,與齊民一體編列。一,旗民雜處村莊,一體編列。旗
人、民人有犯,地方官會同理事同知辦理,至各省駐防營內商民貿易居住,及官兵僱用
人役,均另編牌冊,報明理事□查核。一,邊外蒙古地方種地民人,設立牌頭總甲及十
家長等。如有偷竊為匪,及隱匿逃人者,責令查報。一,凡客民在內地貿易,或置有產
業者,與土著一律順編。一,鹽場井灶,另編排甲,所雇工人,隨灶戶填注。一,礦廠
丁戶,廠員督率廠商、課長及峒長、爐頭等編查。各處煤窯僱主,將傭工人等冊報地方
查痋C一,各省山居棚民,按戶編冊,地主並保甲結報。廣東寮民,每寮給牌,互相保
結。一,沿海等省商漁船隻,取具澳甲族鄰保結,報官給照。商船將船主、舵工、水手
年貌籍貫並填照內,出洋時,取具各船互結,至汛口照驗放行。漁船止填船主年貌籍貫。
其內洋采捕小艇,責令澳甲稽查。至內河船隻,於船尾設立粉牌,責令埠頭查察。其漁
船網戶、水次搭棚趁食之民,均歸就近保甲管束。一,苗人寄籍內地,久經編入民甲者,
照民人一例編查。其餘各處苗、瑤,千百戶及頭人、峒長等稽查約束。一,雲南有夷、
民錯處者,一體編入保甲。其依山傍水自成村落者,令管事頭目造冊稽查。一,川省客
民,同土著一例編查。一,甘肅番子土民,責成土司查察。系地方官管轄者,令所管頭
目編查,地方官給牌冊報。其四川改土歸流各番寨,令鄉約甲長等稽查,均聽撫夷掌堡
管束。一,寺觀僧道,令僧綱、道紀按季冊報。其各省回民,令禮拜寺掌教稽查。一,
外來流丐,保正督率丐頭稽查,少壯者遞回原籍安插,其餘歸入棲流等所管束。自是立
法益密。
Strict neighborhood watch system, 保甲, was enforced since QIng Emperor Shizu took over China.
時各省番、苗與內地民人言語不通,常有肇釁之事。二十四年,定番界、苗疆禁例。
凡台灣民、番不許結親,違者離異。各省民人無故擅入苗地,及苗人無故擅入民地,均
照例治罪。若往來貿易,必取具行戶鄰右保結,報官給照,令塘汛驗放始往。
Barbarians in the mountains as well as in Taiwan were segregated.
棚民之稱,起於江西、浙江、福建三省。各山縣內,向有民人搭棚居住,藝麻種箐,
開爐煽鐵,造紙制菇為業。而廣東窮民入山搭寮,取香木舂粉、析薪燒炭為業者,謂之
寮民。雍正四年,定例照保甲法一體編查。乾隆二十八年,定各省棚民單身賃墾者,令
於原籍州縣領給印票,並有親族保領,方准租種安插。倘有來歷不明,責重保人糾察報
究。五十五年,諭:「廣東總督奏稱,撤毀雷、廉交界海面之潿洲及迤東之斜陽地方寮
房,遞回原籍,免與洋盜串通滋事,並毀校椅灣等三十二處寮房共百六十二戶,另行撫
恤安插。沿海各省所屬島嶼,多有內地民人安居樂業。若遽飭令遷移,使數十萬生民流
離失所,於心何忍。且恐辦理不善,轉使良民變而為匪。所有各省海島,除例應封禁者
外,餘均仍舊居住。至零星散處,皆系貧民,尤不可獨令向隅。而漁戶出洋探捕,暫在
海島搭寮棲止,亦不可概行禁絕。且人民既少,稽察無難,惟在各督撫嚴飭文武員弁編
立保甲。如有盜匪混入,及窩藏為匪者,一經查出,將所居寮房概行燒燬,俾知儆懼。
其漁船出入口岸,務期取結給照,登記姓名。倘進口時藏有貨物,形跡可疑,嚴行盤詰,
自不難立時拏獲也。」五十七年,諭:「據福寧所奏,山東一省海島居民二萬餘名口,
各省海島想亦不少。當遵照前言,不准添建房屋,以至日聚日眾。仍應留心訪察,勿任
勾結匪徒,滋生事端。」咸豐元年,浙江巡撫常大淳奏言:「浙江棚民開山過多,以致
沙淤土壅,有礙水道田廬。請設法編查安插,分別去留。」如所議行。
Migrants on the moutains of southern China of Jiangxi, Zhejiang, and Fujian were forced into neighborhood watch system, 保甲, system since Emperor Yongzhen time period
四川經張獻忠之亂,孑遺者百無一二,耕種皆三江、湖廣流寓之人。雍正五年,因
逃荒而至者益眾。諭令四川州縣將人戶逐一稽查姓名籍貫,果系無力窮民,即量人力多
寡,給荒地五六十畝或三四十畝,令其開墾。
其吉林寧古塔、伯都訥、阿勒楚喀、拉林等地方,乾隆二十七年定例不准無籍流民
居住。及三十四年,吉林將軍傅良奏:「阿勒楚喀、拉林地方流民二百四十二戶,請限
一年盡行驅逐。」上曰:「流寓既在定例之前,應准入籍墾種,一例安插,俾無失所。」
嘉慶中,郭爾羅斯復有內地新來流民二千三百三十戶,吉林□有千四百五十九戶,長春
□有六千九百五十三戶,均經將軍奏令入冊安置。其山東民人徙居口外者,在康熙五十
一年已有十萬餘人。聖祖諭:「嗣後山東民人有到口外及由口外回山東者,應查明年貌
籍貫,造冊稽查,互相對覈。」其後直隸、山西民人亦多有出口者。
雍正初,因陸續設古北口、張家口、歸化城三同知管理,旋移萬全縣縣丞於張家口,
其古北口增設巡檢一,歸化城增設通判四、巡檢一,各按所屬民人,照保甲法,將姓名
籍貫註冊,逐年咨部查覈。凡民人出入關口,由原籍州縣給印票驗明放行。所有放過票
張,造冊報部。
其福建、廣東民人徙居台灣者尤眾。嘉慶十五年,浙閩總督方維甸奏:「噶瑪蘭田
土膏腴,內地民人流寓者多。現檢查戶口,漳州人四萬二千五百餘丁,泉州人二百五十
餘丁,粵東人百四十餘丁,與生熟各番雜處,必須有所鈐制。」於是議增噶瑪蘭通判一。
此外如江蘇銅、沛兩縣,自黃河退涸,變為荒田,山東曹、濟等屬民人陸續前往,創立
湖團,相率墾種。銅、沛土民因客民占墾,日相控鬥。同治五年,戶部奏:「查明容留
捻匪之刁、王兩團,驅回原籍。安分良團,即令各安生業。」凡此夷、漢之雜處,土、
客之相猜,慮其滋事,則嚴為之防,憫其無歸,則寬為之所,要皆以保甲為要圖。
顧保甲行於平時,而編審則丁賦之所由出也。編審之制,州縣官造冊上之府,府別
造一總冊上之布政司。凡軍、民、匠、灶四籍,各分上中下三等。丁有民丁、站丁、土
軍丁、衛丁、屯丁。總其丁之數而登黃冊。督撫據布政司冊報達之戶部,匯疏以聞。順
治十四年,命州縣官編審戶口,增丁至二千名以上,各予紀錄。康熙五十一年,有「新
增人丁永不加賦」之諭,自是聖祖仁政,遂與一代相終始。顧丁有開除,即不能不有抵
補。故康熙五十五年,戶部請以編審新增人丁補足舊缺額數,如有餘丁,歸入滋生冊內
造報,從之。高宗諭內閣曰:「朕查上年各省奏報民數,較之康熙年間,計增十餘倍。
承平日久,生齒日繁,蓋藏自不能如前充裕。且廬捨所占田土,亦不啻倍蓰。生之者寡,
食之者眾,朕甚憂之。猶幸朕臨御以來,闢土開疆,幅員日廓,小民皆得開墾邊外地土,
藉以暫謀衣食。然為之計及久遠,非野無曠土,家有贏糧,未易享升平之福。各省督撫
及有牧民之責者,務當隨時勸諭,俾皆儉樸成風,惜物力而盡地利,慎勿以奢靡相競,
習於怠惰也。是時編審之制已停,直省所報民數,大率以歲造之煙戶冊為據。行之日久,
有司視為具文,所報多不詳覈,其何以體朕欲周知天下民數之心乎?」又諭:「據鄭輝
祖稱,從前所辦民數冊,歲歲滋生之數,一律雷同。似此簡率相沿,成何事體!所有各
省本年應進民冊,均展至明年年底。倘再疏舛,定當予以處分。」當時民冊恐不免任意
填造之弊,然自聖祖以來,休養生息百有餘年,民生其間,自少至老,不知有兵革之患,
而又年豐人樂,無有夭札疵癘,轉徙顛踣以至於凋耗者,其戶口繁庶,究不可謂盡出子
虛也。
至編審之停,始於雍正四年。直隸總督李紱改編審行保甲一疏略雲:「編審五年一
舉,雖意在清戶口,不如保甲更為詳密,既可稽察游民,且不必另查戶口。請自後嚴飭
編排人丁,自十六歲以上,無許一名遺漏。歲底造冊,布政司匯齊,另造總冊進呈。冊
內止開裡戶人丁實數,免列花戶,則簿籍不煩而丁數大備矣。」乾隆五年,戶部又請令
各督撫於每年十一月,將戶口數與穀數一並造報;番疆、苗界不入編審者,不在此例。
從之。三十七年,從李瀚請,永停編審。自是惟有運漕軍丁四年一編審而已。
蓋清承明季喪亂,戶口凋殘。經累朝休養生息,故戶口之數,歲有加增。約而舉之:
順治十八年,會計天下民數,千有九百二十萬三千二百三十三口。康熙五十年,二千四
百六十二萬一千三百二十四口。六十年,二千九百一十四萬八千三百五十九口,又滋生
丁四十六萬七千八百五十口。雍正十二年,二千六百四十一萬七千九百三十二口,又滋
生丁九十三萬七千五百三十口。乾隆二十九年,二萬五百五十九萬一千一十七口。六十
年,二萬九千六百九十六萬五百四十五口。嘉慶二十四年,三萬一百二十六萬五百四十
五口。道光二十九年,四萬一千二百九十八萬六千六百四十九口。鹹、同之際,兵革四
起,冊報每缺數省,其可稽者,只二萬數千萬口不等。光緒元年,三萬二千二百六十五
萬五千七百八十一口。
A special census was conducted in 18th year of Emperor Shunzhi, with measures by HU-KOU the household - interpreted te be the total population of each household, not DING for male.
三十二年,釐定官制,以戶部為度支部,而改前所設之巡警部為民政部,調查戶口,
歸其職掌,各省則以巡警道專司其事。明年,諭直省造報民數,務須確查實數,以為庶
政根本。民政部奏稱:「伏查三十二年黑龍江、安徽、江蘇、福建、甘肅、廣西、雲南
丁冊,並三十一年丁冊,均未補造。在各督撫明知逾限,例當查參,而積習挽回不易。
臣部於接收伊始,籌一切實辦法,擬請敕下各督撫,責成府、□、州、縣,分鄉分區,
自行調查丁口確數,統以每年十二月底截算,以清界限。仍限次年十月送部匯奏。」制
可。
宣統元年,復頒行填造戶口格式,令先查戶口數,限明年十月報齊,續查口數,限
宣統四年十月報齊。至三年十月,據京師內外城、順天府、各直省、各旗營、各駐防、
各蒙旗所報,除新疆、湖北、廣東、廣西各省,江寧、青州、西安、涼州、伊犁、貴州、
西寧各駐防,泰寧鎮、熱河各蒙旗,川、滇邊務,均未冊報到部外,凡正戶五千四百六
十六萬八千有四,附戶千四百五十七萬八千三百七十,共六千九百二十四萬六千三百七
十四戶;凡口數男一萬三千九百六十六萬二千四百一十,女九千九百九十三萬二千二百
有八,共二萬三千九百五十九萬四千六百六十八口。
More census were conducted. An updated household number was given for Xuantong 1st year.
This post is not for apologizers of mass murderers in Chinese history. Example: the apologizer disclaimed Mongol slaughter of Chinese by rebutting the 50-YEAR ATTRITION WAR between Southern Song and the Mongols.
The above text from Qing Shi Gao clearly proved that Manchu Qing murderers, after forcing the queue onto the Chinese with no mercy policy, had erected a strict policy of "collective punishment", stating that all Chinese males and women, girls, and under-age boys must be itemized for census reporting on annual basis. Especially is the sentence to the effect that no SINGLE boy above the age of 16 should be ommitted. What you see from Manchu policies were a similar "household registration policy" as practiced by the communists, namely, visitors to a place outside of his or her hometown needed to register.
My question for any serious person interested in Chinese history is: Do you think Manchu [[t***s]] could have allowed any Chinese to escape unaccounted for?
Example of Manchu manhunt would be the story of resistance leader Zhang Qihuang. Zhang, after years of hiding in Fujian mountains, were caught by Manchu and killed. Pay special attention to the passage about rounding up the "PENG HU", i.e., the migrants or escapees who sought shelter and constructed HUTS in mountains of Zhejiang-Fujian-Jiangxi - the same haven that Japanese failed to penetrate in WWII, as well as the same place the Chinese communist New 4th Corps was planning to wrestle in expectation of Japanese penetration along the Zhejiang-Jiangxi Railway.
Population fluctuations in Qing Dynasty had to be looked at in the perspective of wars and turmoil. Sichuan Province, long claimed to be wiped out by Zhang Xianzhong, however, engaged in wars against Manchu for 20-30 years. Manchu had burnt 100,000 Chjinese classics to forge their accounts of historical events. To get the correct perspective, one has to read the history back and forth.
Edited by ahxiang, 12 February 2008 - 10:15 PM.


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