62 replies to this topic

[snowybeagle]

A word about Yáng Kăn (AD 495-549), the only person who seemed to be able to foil Hóu Jĭng's plan at that point in time. Yáng Kăn was also well versed in the Art of War and studied Zuo's Spring Autumn Annals.

He descended from the famous Yáng family from TaiShan whose antecedents went back to the Eastern Han Dynasty (东汉) where family members served in various senior official posts but did not get elevated into nobility at the time.

The family's star rose during the transition of the Wèi (of Three Kingdoms) to the Western Jìn (西晋) Dynasty (魏晋之际), when they aligned themselves with the Sima (司马) faction. The most famous member of the period was Yáng Hù (羊祜) who was instrumental in laying the groundwork for the Western Jìn to conquer the kingdom of Wu (吴) (of the Three Kingdoms).

After the Turmoils of YongJia Reign (永嘉之乱) which saw the end of the Western Jìn, the Yáng family, along with many other prominent clans, moved south to help establish the Eastern Jìn Dynasty.

Yáng Kăn's grandfather Yáng Guī (羊规) served in the Liú-Sòng Dynasty (劉宋/刘宋) — the Song Dynasty of the Southern Dynasties 南朝, which was ruled by the Liu 劉/刘 Clan. The last years of the dynasty saw fierce internal rivalries which resulted in Yáng Guī following the famous general Xuē ĀnDū (薛安都) to defect to Northern Wèi in AD 468 or AD 469.

[The Liú-Sòng Dynasty of the Southern Dynasties 南朝 was ruled by the Liu 劉/刘 Clan. It was the first of the Southern Dynasties which replaced the Eastern Jìn (东晋), and existed from AD 420-479. Sometimes referred to 南朝宋 Southern Dynasties - Song, also but rare as Southern Song 南宋 as that name is more commonly used to the Southern Song Dynasty which existed in AD 960-1279.]

Yáng Kăn's father Yáng Zhĭ (羊祉, AD 458-516) was a palace secretary and a general in the Northern Wèi. Yáng Zhĭ had a turbulent career in the Northern Wèi which might be the cause of suggestions that he raised his son to desire to return south. (“人生安可久淹异域，汝等可归奉东朝。”)

Yáng Kăn himself rose to be prefect of Taishan under Northern Wèi and defected to Southern Dynasty - Liáng, in AD 528. The Northern Wèi was greatly alarmed and sent one generals after another, including Yü Hui (于晖), Gao Huan (高欢) and Erzhu Yangdu (尔硃阳都) with more than 100,000 troops against Yáng Kăn. Faced with overwhelming odds, and the reinforcements from the Southern Dynasty blocked, Yáng Kăn broke out of the encirclement with his troops. When they reached the southern dynasty's territories, they had more than 10,000 troops and 2,000 horses. Yáng Kăn allowed the troops who were northerners to return rather than force them to relocate. (梁书.列传第三十三　- “卿等怀土，理不能见随，幸适去留，于此别异。”)

羊侃祖父在刘宋时曾随薛安都投北魏，父亲也是北魏官员，但一直教育儿子要回归祖国。羊侃在北魏官至泰山太守，于528年投梁。他文武双全，爱读《左氏春秋》和孙吴兵法，又善使一条两丈四尺长的两刃矛。

姓名：羊侃
生辰：495年
忌日：549年
籍贯：泰山梁父（属今山东泰安）
职业：将领

羊侃（495一549），南朝梁将领。泰山梁父（属今山东泰安）人，字祖忻。祖规仕宋，后降北魏，父祉为魏侍中。幼好文史，兼有武力。侯景之乱，固守京城，景不能破，执其长子以胁之，不为动，竟自射其子以示决绝，苦战而卒。

Source :
http://cn.netor.com/...asp?BoardID=270

[Yun]

He descended from the famous Yáng family from TaiShan whose antecedents went back to the Eastern Han Dynasty (东汉) where family members served in various senior official posts but did not get elevated into nobility at the time.

The family's star rose during the transition of the Wèi (of Three Kingdoms) to the Western Jìn (西晋) Dynasty (魏晋之际), when they aligned themselves with the Sima (司马) faction. The most famous member of the period was Yáng Hù (羊祜) who was instrumental in laying the groundwork for the Western Jìn to conquer the kingdom of Wu (吴) (of the Three Kingdoms).

After the Turmoils of YongJia Reign (永嘉之乱) which saw the end of the Western Jìn, the Yáng family, along with many other prominent clans, moved south to help establish the Eastern Jìn Dynasty.

This was the same Yang clan of Taishan from which came Yang Xianrong, the second empress of Sima Zhong who went on to be the empress of the Xiongnu Liu Yao: http://www.chinahist...?showtopic=5382

[snowybeagle]

[I have tried to find more online details of the battles waged by Hóu Jĭng but was not very successful. Please make do with whatever I could find and translate. One difficulty I had was I am not very conversant in classical Chinese.]

侯景轻越天险，直掩建康。江南承平岁久，罕见兵甲。侯军猝然出现，公私骇震，一片慌乱。两天后，侯军抵建康朱雀桁南，建康守将庾信、王质、萧大春、谢禧等均不战弃阵而逃。侯景未遇激战，连下东府城、石头城，屯军皇宫所在地台城之下。

建康震动。梁武帝仓惶部署建康防务，命宣城王萧大器总督城内诸军，并赦免囚徒以充军。侯景军至朱雀桁(今江苏南京南)。萧正德开宣阳门。迎接侯景军入城，进围台城，久攻不下，乃筑长围以断台城内外联络。

两天后，侯军抵建康朱雀桁南，萧正德大开宣阳门，迎接侯景军入城，建康守将庾信、王质、萧大春、谢禧等均不战而逃。侯景未遇激战就连下东府城、石头城，于十月二十四日进围台城，开始大举攻城。

于是诏以扬州刺史宣城王大器为都督城内诸军事，都官尚书羊侃为军师将军以副焉；南浦侯推守东府城，
西豊公大春守石头城，轻车长史谢禧守白下。

梁书 列传第五十: 侯景

Having breached the natural defence of the Long River, Hóu Jĭng lost no time in advancing against the capital JiànKāng.

The region of JiāngNán (south of the Long River) had been at peace and not seen hostile armies for a long time. The appearance of Hóu Jĭng's rebel army threw everyone; civilians and officials; into panic and disarray. The emperor hastily ordered the defences of the capital to be bolstered by conscripting convicts from the prisons, and entrusted the defence to Prince Xiāo DàQì of XuānChéng.

It took the rebels 2 days to arrive at the southern gates of the capital without any serious opposition- and the traitor Xiāo ZhèngDé opened the XuānYáng Gate to allow the rebels in.

Duke Xiāo DàChūn of XīFēng who was in charge of the formidable fortress Stone City, Marquis of NánPŭ in charge of DōngFú City, Light Chariot commander Xiè Xĭ in charge of BáiXià, along with generals Yŭ Xìn and Wáng Zhì (formerly of CăiShí) all fled before the rebels without putting up a fight.

Only Yáng Kăn remained to direct the defences of the besieged Imperial compound at TáiChéng. Hóu Jĭng ordered TáiChéng to be barricaded, trapping the emperor Xiāo Yăn inside.

[snowybeagle]

于十月二十四日进围台城，开始大举攻城。台城军民在羊侃和萧纲的指挥下奋力抵抗。侯景大造飞楼、撞车、阶道车等攻城器具，羊侃见招拆招，一一破解。二十六日，侯景用几百只木驴攻城。木驴是一丈多长的六腿木架，上蒙湿牛皮，下藏六名士兵。士兵可以靠驴身掩护城墙，进行破坏城墙的工作。羊侃命令士兵投掷石块，木驴被砸得粉碎，叛军多被打死。侯景改用尖顶木驴，石块打不坏。羊侃就命士兵扎火把，插上箭镞，涂上油和蜡，点火扔下去。这种武器叫“雉尾炬”，箭插到木驴上，一会就把木驴烧成焦炭。侯景造起十多丈高的登城楼，推到城边，命军士从楼上向城中射箭。守军见状都很害怕，羊侃却毫不担心，说：“车子高大沉重，城边的壕沟却填得不牢，到了城边一定翻车。”果然不出他所料。侯景久攻不下，又损失了很多士兵，于是筑长围以断台城内外联络，采取长期围困战术。侯景捉住羊侃的儿子，押到城下逼羊侃投降。羊侃不为所动，说：“尽管杀了他！”过几天侯景又把他押来，羊侃说：“我以为你早死了，怎么还在！”取弓箭要射。侯景知道这样没用，反而没有杀他。

侯景未遇激战，连下东府城、石头城，屯军皇宫所在地台城之下。自此，水火兼用，在三十余万陆续集结的梁援军环视下，连续攻城一百二十余日。 围逼既久，台城内粮尽疫行，军士煮弩熏鼠捕雀而食。饥疫死者“横尸满路”，“烂汁满沟洫”，后来仅剩二三千羸弱死守。侯景也渐粮饷不支，又闻梁荆州精锐援军将到，遂谲诈求和以却援足粮。

萧正德开宣阳门。迎接侯景军入城，进围台城，久攻不下，乃筑长围以断台城内外联络。

出乎梁武帝意料，侯景率骑数百、兵八千顺利渡过长江，攻入建康，直指台城（宫城，中央台省与宫殿所在地）。十月二十四日，台城被围时，城内有“男女十余万，贯甲者三万”，在良将羊侃指挥下展开了惨烈的台城保卫战。叛军百道攻城，先后作长围，起土山，用飞楼、■车、登城车、■堞车、火车轮番攻城，均被击退。侯景又引玄武湖水灌城，“阙前御街并为洪波”，城被围既久，牺牲惨重，瘟病流行，横尸满路。生存者止二三千人，并悉羸弱，但仍坚持抗争，以待外援。

source=

于是百道攻城，持火炬烧大司马、东西华诸门。城中仓卒，未有其备，乃凿门楼，下水沃火，久之方灭。贼又斫东掖门将开，羊侃凿门扇，刺杀数人，贼乃退。又登东宫墙，射城内，至夜，太宗募人出烧东宫，东宫台殿遂尽。景又烧城西马厩、士林馆、太府寺。明日，景又作木驴数百攻城，城上飞石掷之，所值皆碎破。景苦攻不克，伤损甚多，乃止攻，筑长围以绝内外，启求诛中领军硃异、太子右卫率陆验、兼少府卿徐膋、制局监周石珍等。城内亦射赏格出外：“有能斩景首，授以景位，并钱一亿万，布绢各万匹，女乐二部。”

On the 24th day of the 11th month, Hóu Jĭng launched large-scale assault on the Imperial compound of TáiChéng (where the Court, administrative buildings and palace complexes were located). The defenders under the command of Yáng Kăn defeated every tactic employed by the rebels. At the beginning of the siege, there were more than 100,000 men & women inside, with 30,000 armoured troops.

Hóu Jĭng ordered numerous war machines to be built, including:
(1) Siege Towers
(2) Battering ram mounted on wagons
(3) Covered wagons to shelter sappers (see
post #28)

The covered wagons were called wooden mules, constructed with 6 supporting frames and about 3.3 metres in length. Wet oxen hides provided the covering, and could accomodate 6 men working inside. On the 26th day, several hundred "wooden mules" were deployed to tunnel under the walls of the Imperial compound.

Yáng Kăn ordered heavy rocks to be dropped the wagons, crushing numerous sappers.

Hóu Jĭng improved the covered wagons by adding reinforced sloping roofs which deflected the falling rocks.

Yáng Kăn ordered the defenders to shoot arrows bundled with straw and soaked in burning oil and wax, which were able to set the wagons ablazed despite the wet oxen hide and burnt the sappers.

Again, Hóu Jĭng deployed 33 metre tall siege towers on wheels and stationed archers within to fire into the Imperial compound.

Yáng Kăn assured his worried troops that the siege towers were too heavy and unbalanced. Sure enough, the towers collapsed on the loose earths of the ditch surrounding TáiChéng.

Hóu Jĭng next brought Yáng Kăn's son (who was captured by the rebels) before the walls of TáiChéng and threatened to kill him if Yáng Kăn did not surrender. Yáng Kăn contemptuously told them to go ahead. A few days later, the son was again brought before Yáng Kăn, who said this time, "Aren't you dead yet?", and drew his bow to shoot. Ironically, this resulted in Yáng Kăn's son being spared by Hóu Jĭng.

There were other anti-siege machines deployed by Hóu Jĭng, none successful. He resorted to divert the waters from the nearby XuánWŭ Lake to flood the Imperial compound, resulting in disease spreading inside which fell many people. Nevertheless, the defenders held on despite the severe food shortage and epidemic.

Meanwhile, the Imperial forces outside the capital were pressing in, and the rebels, suffering heavy casualties, were beginning to run low on supplies. Much of the buildings around the palace were burnt during the siege warfare, and Hóu Jĭng had to consider ending the stalemate quickly.

Hóu Jĭng sent an emissary to open negotiations while secretly trying to replenish the supplies for his troops. He demanded the executions of some senior Court officials, including General Zhū Yì of the Central Army, Right Commander Lù Yàn of the Crown Prince's Guards, Secretary Xü Liáo, Inspector-Supervisor Zhōu ShíZhēn etc.

The Court retorted by issuing reward for whoever decapitate Hóu Jĭng's head to succeed to his official post; 100 million cash; 10,000 bolts of cloth; 10,000 bolts of silk; and 2 groups of female musicians.中国大百科全书中国历史（1）- 侯景之乱

Edited by snowybeagle, 03 October 2005 - 10:04 PM.

[snowybeagle]

[Sorry for not putting the relevant Chinese texts ... I lost much of what I typed due to a wrong click.]

In the 11th month, the rebels proclaimed Xiao ZhengDe as emperor with the reign of ZhengPing, with Hou Jing as prime minister.

Unable to conquer TaiCheng, Hou Jing resorted to exploiting the sentiments of the slaves of the Liang against their masters, and promised to make any defecting slave a free man. A former slave of Zhu Yi was paraded before the walls of TaiCheng, dressed in brocade and riding on a fine steed. The ex-slave swore loudly against his former master, announcing he was appointed as Chief of the Tribunals just after following Hou Jing, as compared to Zhu Yi who slogged for 30 odd years to become General of the Centre.

The tactic worked with more than a thousand slaves defecting.

Meanwhile, the rest of the country were not exactly idle. Various forces were raised and on the march to relief the siege on the capital. However, Hou Jing had analysed they posed little threat if handled correctly.

Hou Jing saw that the relief troops were ill-disciplined, their commanders at loggerheads with each other and had no prestige to inspire the followers.

Hou Jing first acted against the approaching Prince Xiao Luan of ShaoLing (who was earlier appointed to crush the rebellion). Xiao Luan arrived late, having gone in circles after learning Hou Jing crossed the river. Xiao Luan won a minor victory against Hou Jing and pursued him to Mount Fuzhou (Mt Jiuhua @ Nanjing). A mistake by troops belonging to his subordinate, Marquis Xiao Jun of Annan which broke the line enabled Hou Jing to counter-attack and routed the imperial forces. From 30,000 troops, Xiao Luan had only a thousand odd left and fled to Zhufang.

Prince Xiao Yuan of PoYang, together with Tribune Pei Zhigao of Western Yü and Prefect Zhao FengJü of JianAn also marched towards the capital JianKang. They stationed themselves at CaiZhou to await more reinforcements from troops from the upper reaches of the River.

Tribune Xiao ZhengYuan of XüZhou surrender to Hou Jing and led 10,000 troops to Lake OuYang to block the imperialist forces. He attacked GuangLing, and fled to ZhongLi after failing, and eventually defected to Eastern Wei.

[snowybeagle]

十二月，侯景采取火攻及引玄武湖水灌台城，仍未能下。此时，梁衡州刺吏韦粲、司州刺史柳仲礼、西豫州刺史裴之高、南陵太守陈文彻等援军已会师于新林王游苑(今江苏江宁西南)，合兵10余万。沿秦淮河竖立栅栏，侯景亦于秦淮河北岸立栅相拒。梁军推举柳仲礼为大都督，协调诸军行动。侯景派步骑万人挑战，柳仲礼因诸军新至，坚壁不出。后闻萧绎已率3万锐卒自江陵东下，部署诸军进击侯景。

此时羊侃又突然病死，终年五十四岁，台城中栋梁倾折。侯景乘机猛攻台城，幸亏城中有一个叫吴景的下级军官，精通对付攻城器具的方法，才顶住了攻势，杀伤了大量叛军。十二月二十三日，侯景停止攻城，引玄武湖水灌城，城中积水极深，形势更加危急。这时各路勤王的军马仍在采取观望态度，萧衍的第七子、荆州刺史湘东王萧绎兵多将广，却在十二月十四日才派出儿子萧方等率兵数万出发。

勤王军中还是有忠义之士的。韦睿之子、衡州刺史韦粲知道侯景反叛的消息后，立刻率本部5000人急行军东进。司州刺史、当时著名的勇将柳仲礼是韦粲的表弟，也率万余人马来到建康。

It was at this critical moment that Yáng Kăn, who had been instrumental in holding off the rebels, suddenly died of illness at the age of 54. Learning of the matter, Hóu Jĭng seized the chance to intensify the attacks on TáiChéng but was repulsed by Wú Jĭng, a junior officer who was familiar with siege and anti-siege tactics, causing the rebels to suffer heavy losses.

In the 12th month, Hóu Jĭng employed both incendiary attacks as well as flooding TáiChéng by diverting the waters from Xuán Wŭ Lake, but still failed to break through. However, the situation in TáiChéng became more and more critical.

Meanwhile, the relief forces were still uncoordinated and bore antipathy towards each other.
Xiāo Yăn's seventh son, Prince Xiāo Yì of Xiāng Dōng (East) who was also tribune of JīngZhōu, had numerous troops under his command but delayed despatching his son Xiāo FāngDěng with tens of thousands of troops until 14th day of the 12th month.

HéngZhōu's tribune Wéi Càn (grandson of a famous general Wéi Ruì), SīZhōu's tribune Liú ZhòngLĭ (cousin of Wéi Càn), Western Yü's tribune Péi ZhīGāo, NánLíng's prefect Chén WénChè had all congregated with their troops, more than 100,000 in all, at present day SW JiangNing in JiangSu province. Liú ZhòngLĭ became the leader of this group.

Hóu Jĭng deployed some 10,000 infantry and cavalry, and established barricades along the Qin-Huai river to guard against them. He issued combat challenges but Liú ZhòngLĭ, having only become the leader of newly assembled army, refused battle. Liú ZhòngLĭ only ordered advance against the rebels upon learning Xiāo Yì's 30,000 crack troops were on the eastwards march from JiāngLíng.

三年正月，韦粲部向进攻出发位置前进时，遇大雾迷路失时，到达青塘，夜已过半。立栅未成，遭侯景军突袭战败而死。柳仲礼驰救青塘，稍挫侯景军。双方遂隔秦淮河对峙。萧纶收容残部与东路援军萧大连等同柳仲礼会合，江陵方面援军萧方及王僧辩军亦至。二十七日，萧纶所属萧嗣、李迁仕、樊文皎等部渡过秦淮河，攻破东府前栅迫使侯景军后撤。李迁仕、樊文皎率锐卒5000深入敌军营地攻打，获胜，后被侯景部将宋子仙以伏兵击破，樊子皎战死。由于柳仲礼凌侮来援诸将，援军内部互相猜疑，致诸将均无战心，各自思归。

年三十夜，韦粲、柳仲礼、羊鸦仁、裴之高等诸军先后赶到，共十余万人，在秦淮河驻扎，推柳仲礼为大都督。549年正月初一，两军在建康郊区的青塘激战。突然天降大雾，韦粲军迷路。侯景见状立刻挥军突击，韦粲力战不退，和儿子韦尼及三个弟弟韦助、韦警、韦构、从弟韦昂一起牺牲（韦睿、陈庆之、兰钦这些南梁名将的儿子都死在侯景之手，侯景堪称名将儿子的克星）。柳仲礼正在吃饭，闻讯马上扔下碗筷，前来救援，与叛军大战，斩首数百级，叛军在秦淮河中淹死千余人。柳仲礼几乎刺中侯景，但是遭敌将偷袭，在肩上被重重砍了一刀，几乎丧命。柳仲礼似乎被这次战斗吓傻了，从此拒不出战。随后萧纶收拾残兵，和萧方、王僧辨等人也来到建康城下，勤王军虽然人数众多，可是没有统一指挥，军心涣散，不敢与侯景对抗，而且军纪极差，使得百姓大失所望。

In the 1st month of the following year, Wéi Càn's forces got lost in heavy fog during their advance. It was past midnight by the time they arrived at QīngTáng. Before a secure perimeter of their camp could be established, they were ambushed by Hóu Jĭng's army. Wéi Càn, his son Wéi Ní, his brothers Wéi Zhù, Wéi Jĭng, Wéi Gòu, and a cousin Wéi Áng, all got killed. This made Hóu Jĭng a nemesis of scions of famous generals, killing sons of Southern Liáng's famed generals Wéi Ruì, Lán Qīn, Chén QìngZhī.

Liú ZhòngLĭ was having a meal when he received the report of the disaster. He launched a rescue expedition to QīngTáng and managed to repel the rebels, killing hundreds and drowning more than a thousand in the Qin-Huai river. Liú ZhòngLĭ actually had a chance to stab at Hóu Jĭng but he fell victim to a sneak attack from the rebels, suffering a heavy slash to his shoulders and nearly lost his life. Both sides settled to a stand-off across the Qin-Huai river.

Xiāo Lún's remnants and the relief troops led by Xiāo DàLián managed to link up with Liú ZhòngLĭ . They were bolstered by arrivals of troops from JiāngLíng under Xiāo Fāng and Wáng SēngBiàn.

On the 27th day, Xiāo Fāng's subordinates - Xiāo Sì, Lĭ QiānShì, Fán WénJiăo etc. crossed the river and attacked the barricades set up before DōngFú, forcing the rebels to retreat. Lĭ QiānShì and Fán WénJiăo led 5,000 crack troops deep into hostile territory against the rebels' camp and scored a victory, but was later ambushed by Hóu Jĭng's commander Sòng ZĭXiān. Fán WénJiăo was killed.

Liú ZhòngLĭ's insult of the commanders of the relief forces created internal tension, sapping their will to relief the capital and made the leaders consider turning back. Their ill-discipline also lost them the support of the populace.

Edited by snowybeagle, 10 October 2005 - 08:58 PM.

[Yun]

Great summary so far, Snowy. A correction to an error on the Chinese website you quoted:

Xiāo Yăn's seventh son, Prince Xiāo Yì of Xiāng Dōng (East) who was also tribune of JīngZhōu, had numerous troops under his command but delayed despatching his son Xiāo Fāng with tens of thousands of troops until 14th day of the 12th month.

Xiao Yi's son was named Xiao Fangdeng 萧方等, not Xiao Fang. The website left out the 'deng' because it confused it with the more common use of the word 等 to mean "and others".

In the 1st month of the following year, Wéi Càn's forces got lost in heavy fog during their advance. It was past midnight by the time they arrived at QīngTáng. Before a secure perimeter of their camp could be established, they were ambushed by Hóu Jĭng's army. Wéi Càn, his son Wéi NíJí, his brothers Wéi Zhù, Wéi Jĭng, Wéi Gòu, and another half-brother Wéi Áng, all got killed. This made Hóu Jĭng a nemesis of scions of famous generals, killing sons of Southern Liáng's famed generals Wéi Ruì, Lán Qīn, Chén QìngZhī.

The battle at Qingtang took place on the first day of the Lunar New Year in 549. The night before (i.e. the last day of the previous year), Liu Zhongli had ordered an attack on Hou Jing to begin at dawn. Wei Can's assignment was to guard Qingtang, where the waters of Lake Xuanwu entered the Qinhuai River south of Jiankang. Wei Can knew that Qingtang was a strategic position and would be fiercely assaulted by Hou Jing, and expressed concern at his ability to hold it with the troop strength he was given. Liu Zhongli then ordered General Liu Shuyin, who was commanding a fleet nearby on the Yangzi River, to reinforce Wei Can.

But, as already stated, Wei Can's force got lost in fog while advancing through the night, and only reached Qingtang after midnight. When dawn broke, they had not yet finished erecting their stockades. Hou Jing saw them from afar and attacked with his crack troops. Wei Can ordered Colonel Zheng Yi to meet the attack head-on, and Liu Shuyin to bring his ships further up the river to threaten Hou Jing's rear. The message probably took some time to reach Liu Shuyin on the river, and he feared that the battle might already be lost and he would be cut off if he moved in now. So he took no action. Zheng Yi fought desperately but was finally wiped out, and Hou Jing then charged Wei Can's camp. Wei Can's subordinates tried to lead him to safety, but he refused and ordered his clansmen to fight on. Eventually, Wei Can, his son Wei Ni (韦尼, not Wei Niji - 及 just means 'and' in this context), his younger brothers Wei Zhu, Wei Jin, and Wei Gou, and his cousin Wei Ang were all killed, along with several hundred other Wei clansmen. Wei Can was 53 years old. He was the grandson (not the son, as the websites quoted said) of the late great Liang general Wei Rui, and the nephew of Wei An who had been tricked by Xu Siyu into opening the doors of Shouyang to Hou Jing nearly a year ago.

Liú ZhòngLĭ was having a meal when he received the report of the disaster. He launched a rescue expedition to QīngTáng and managed to repel the rebels, killing hundreds and drowning thousands in the Qin-Huai river. Liú ZhòngLĭ actually had a chance to stab at Hóu Jĭng but he fell victim to a sneak attack from the rebels, suffering a heavy slash to his shoulders and nearly lost his life. Both sides settled to a stand-off across the Qin-Huai river.

Liu Zhongli received the news of the Qingtang attack while having his breakfast, and immediately threw down his bowl and chopsticks, put on his armour, and led 100 cavalry to help Wei Can. They must have caught Hou Jing by surprise despite being outnumbered, and killed several hundreds of Hou Jing's men while driving over a thousand more (note: not several thousands) to their deaths by drowning in the Qinhuai River. Liu Zhongli almost impaled Hou Jing with a lance, but Hou's general Zhi Boren rushed up from behind and slashed Liu across the shoulder. Liu's horse then got bogged down in mud and could not move. Hou Jing ordered his spearmen to surround Liu and stab at him, covering him with wounds. Just when Liu seemed doomed, his cavalry commander Guo Shanshi charged in alone and extricated him after a hard fight. Liu was badly wounded and was saved only when his servant Hui Jian sucked the pus from the wounds with his mouth, allowing the blood to flow freely.

Liú ZhòngLĭ's insult of the commanders of the relief forces created internal tension, sapping their will to relief the capital and made the leaders consider turning back. Their ill-discipline also lost them the support of the populace.

Liu may have been a brave fighter, but he was also arrogant and nasty. He despised the other generals who had come to the rescue of Jiankang, and openly insulted them. Xiao Lun (who was one of Xiao Yan's sons) would report to Liu's camp for orders every day, but Liu would keep him waiting for hours before seeing him. Xiao Lun thus came to hate Liu Zhongli. The discipline of the troops was also abysmal - the people living around Jiankang had welcomed them with great joy, but they began raping and looting along the banks of the Qinhuai River, to the disgust and disappointment of the residents. There were some soldiers in Hou Jing's army who had originally intended to defect and serve as spies for the Liang troops, but when they heard of these atrocities, they changed their minds.

[Yun]

Learning of the matter, Hóu Jĭng seized the chance to intensify the attacks on TáiChéng but was repulsed by Wú Jĭng, a junior officer who was familiar with siege and anti-siege tactics, causing the rebels to suffer heavy losses.

Some details on the contest of tactics between Hou Jing and Wu Jing during the epic siege of Taicheng, which may be of interest to Liang Jieming:

Upon the death of Yang Kan, Hou Jing constructed numerous siege engines and paraded them in front of Taicheng's gates to intimidate the populace. There were tall siege towers with 20 wheels each. 'Toad carts' (mantelets) were used to shelter soldiers carrying soil to fill in the moat. 'Flame-throwing carriages' were sent against the southeastern walls of Taicheng and set it on fire, but the Liang General of Engineers Wu Jing was a brilliant tactician and ordered soil to be dug up within the imperial city to build a new wall in the southeastern corner. By the time the fire went out, a new wall was up, and Hou Jing's soldiers thought it a miracle. Hou Jing's troops had also been digging a tunnel under the wall as it burned, and the Liang troops only discovered this when the wall was about to collapse. But Wu Jing had his troops convert the new wall into a long concave crescent moon shape which could channel the attackers into a killing zone where they could be shot at from both front and sides. Wu Jing also ordered his troops to throw large numbers of fire brands at the siege engines, setting them aflame. Hou Jing was then forced to withdraw.

During the following week, Hou Jing changed tactics. Towards the end of the previous year (548), he had built siege mounds on the east and west side of Taicheng, and the western siege mound now moved closer and closer to the walls as soil was added to it. The Liang General of the Western Imperial Guards, Liu Jin, ordered his men to tunnel under the siege mound and remove soil from its base. The mound finally collapsed, burying many of Hou Jing's troops alive. The defending Liang troops had also erected their own siege mounds in the east and west of Taicheng, to exchange arrow fire with the enemy siege mounds. They now built a catwalk between their two mounds, allowing troops to move quickly from one to the other. Hou Jing's troops were amazed at this catwalk that seemed to float in the air, and retreated in fear.

The Liang troops also threw swallow-tailed torches (invented by Yang Kan, they were coated in burning oil and had a forked tail to control their direction of flight) at the watchtowers and stockades on Hou Jing's eastern siege mound, burning them into cinders. The corpses of Hou Jing's troops piled up at the feet of Taicheng's walls.

Hou Jing ordered his men to abandon the siege mounds and destroy the siege engines, and decided on another strategy. Another Liang General of Engineers named Song Yi had defected to him, and proposed that he channel the water of Lake Xuanwu to flood Taicheng (which lay just south of the lake). Thus water began to rise in front of the north wall of Taicheng. This was the situation when Liu Zhongli and Wei Can arrived at the Qinhuai River.

[snowybeagle]

Thanks a lot Yun for illuminating so many points and greatly enhancing the interest value.

Wish I have more sources, but right now, I could only rely on online articles.

Wish I have a detailed map of the Southern Dynasty too.

BTW, are you using Sima Guang's ZiZhiTongJian as a reference?
The classic prose is rather difficult for me, compounded by the fact it expected the reader to understand the contexts and who the people are involved without giving full names.

[Yun]

BTW, are you using Sima Guang's ZiZhiTongJian as a reference?
The classic prose is rather difficult for me, compounded by the fact it expected the reader to understand the contexts and who the people are involved without giving full names.

I actually used Vol. 20 of Bai Yang's 柏杨 translation of the Tongjian Jishi Benmo 通鉴纪事本末, which is a Ming dynasty revision of the Zizhi Tongjian in an event-by-event format rather than the original year-by-year chronology. Bai Yang translated the Classical Chinese into vernacular Chinese and also made many useful maps of the campaigns and battles - the series is available in Kinokuniya at Ngee Ann City, so you might want to try getting some volumes.

[snowybeagle]

叛军围城日久，台城内粮食耗尽，军士煮弩弦、皮革制的盔甲、熏鼠捕雀而食。城中饥饿和疫病流行，死者横尸满路，后来仅剩二三千羸弱死守。侯景也渐粮饷不支，又闻梁荆州精锐援军将到，非常恐慌。这时王伟献计：假称求和，以却援足粮，休整兵马，待对方懈怠，再一举击破，获侯景采纳。549年二月，侯景与萧衍歃血为盟停战。萧衍不听傅岐的劝告，接受侯景的戢兵条件，割江右四州之地（南豫、西豫、合州、光州）予侯景，遣诸路援军返师，台城守卫也尽收兵甲。侯景及时补充军粮，缮修器械，休整军队。十余日后，毁盟重新开战，猛攻台城。

侯景久攻台城不下，乃纵兵大肆杀掠，驱赶百姓日夜筑土山，乱加殴捶。又募奴为兵，许以官爵。然叛军损失亦多，又严重缺粮，战斗力大为削弱，且闻荆州兵东下，十分恐慌，故曾一度乞和，准备撤退。后因见援军号令不一，终无勤王之志，于是加紧攻城，终于在三年三月十二日攻破台城。

围逼既久，台城内粮尽疫行，军士煮弩熏鼠捕雀而食。饥疫死者“横尸满路”，“烂汁满沟洫”，后来仅剩二三千羸弱死守。侯景也渐粮饷不支，又闻梁荆州精锐援军将到，遂谲诈求和以却援足粮。太清二年二月，与梁武帝歃血为盟停战。萧衍接受侯景的戢兵条件，割江右四州之地（南豫、西豫、合州、光州）予侯景，遣诸路援军返师，台城守卫也尽收兵甲。侯景及时补充军粮，缮修器械，休整军队。十余日后，毁盟重开战幕，悉力猛攻。

The protracted siege took heavy tolls on both the rebels and the defenders.

In TáiChéng, supplies ran out and the inhabitants turned to catching sparrows and rats, and use their bows as cooking fuels. Disease and starvation caused dead bodies to pile up on the streets. Eventually, the poorly nourished defenders numbered two to three thousands only.

On the rebels, discipline began to break down. Hóu Jĭng ordered his troops to conscript the populace for siegeworks and treated them badly. Many commoners and slaves were forcibly drafted into military service, though with promises of officialdom and noble titles. Gradually, the losses of their soldiers and depleting supplies began to tell, and Hóu Jĭng considered withdrawing upon news that crack troops JīngZhōu arrived to reinforce the capital.

Here, Hóu Jĭng's advisor Wáng Wěi came up with a ruse to negotiate for peace with the Liáng emperor Xiāo Yăn - to buy time for the rebels to replenish their supplies and reorganise, and then to strike after their opponents' guards are lowered.

Despite all dissuasions from his minister Fù Qí, Xiāo Yăn actually agreed to the negotiations.

In the 2nd month of AD 549, Hóu Jĭng and Xiāo Yăn concluded a treaty sealed with their blood. Four prefectures of the right of the river (Southern and Western Yü, HéZhōu and GuāngZhōu) were granted to Hóu Jĭng. Xiāo Yăn foolishly ordered the reinforcement troops to return, and the defenders disarmed.

Hóu Jĭng took a mere 10 odd days to resupply, rearmed and reorganised the rebels before breaking the treaty and launched another attack on the capital.

[snowybeagle]

十余日后，毁盟重开战幕，悉力猛攻。三月十二日台城陷落。萧衍沦为阶下囚，五月饿死。侯景虚立梁简文帝。梁名存实亡。
入城后，侯景自为大都督、录尚书事、使持节、大丞相、王如故。掌握梁廷大权。他废萧正德为侍中、大司马。六月，杀萧正德。

三月，侯景再次引玄武湖水灌台城，并四面猛攻，梁军萧坚之书佐董勋、熊昙朗，于十二日拂晓引导侯景军由西北角楼处攻入台城。侯景遂挟梁帝及太子，并矫诏解散援军。各路援军退还，柳仲礼等出降，侯景占领了建康全城，控制了梁廷军政大权。

三月十二夜，叛军攻上台城西北角，永安侯萧确抵挡不住，退回宫中，对萧衍报告：“台城失守。”萧衍躺在床上问：“还能不能打？”萧确说：“没法再打了。”萧衍叹道：“自我得之，自我失之，有什么遗憾的？”台城陷落，萧衍和太子萧纲都被侯景所获。侯景和萧衍有一段对话。萧衍问侯景：“渡江时有多少人？”侯景答道：“千余人。”又问：“围台城时有多少人？”答道：“十万人。”再问：“现在呢？”侯景骄傲地答道：“四海之内，全都是我所有！”侯景在城中大肆抢掠，江南的士族，尤其是王、谢两家一概受到大规模的屠杀和凌辱。三月十四日，他又用萧衍的名义发诏书命令援军解散，柳仲礼居然奉命率军撤走。侯景懒得对萧衍动刀，只是不给他供应饮食。五月初二，这位笃信佛教的老头饿死，终年86岁，遗言是谁也不知道什么意思的“荷荷”两声。他为自己的昏庸付出了代价，本来死不足惜，只可怜江南的千万百姓也同时为他的昏庸付出了更大的代价。五月二十六日，侯景立萧纲为帝（梁简文帝）。

Having made good use of the time he gained by deception, Hóu Jĭng resumed ferocious attacks and used water to flood TáiChéng again.

Dŏng Xūn and Xióng TánLăng, aides to Xiāo Jiān who was defending TáiChéng, betrayed their master and on the morning of the 12th day of the 3rd month, guided the rebels through the northwest corner of TáiChéng.

TáiChéng fell on the night of the 12th of the 3rd month. When Marquis Xiāo Què of YŏngĀn went in to report to the bedridden Xiāo Yăn, the emperor asked, "Could we continue to fight?"

Xiāo Què replied, "No."

Xiāo Yăn sighed, "It was I who established the kingdom, and now it is I who lose it. What regrets is there?"

After TáiChéng fell, Hóu Jĭng captured Xiāo Yăn and the Crown Prince Xiāo Gāng. There was an account of a conversation between the rebel and the captive ruler.

Xiāo Yăn asked, "How many did you have when you crossed over the river from Eastern Wèi?"
Hóu Jĭng answered, "A thousand odd."
Xiāo Yăn asked again, "How many when you besieged TáiChéng?"
Hóu Jĭng replied, "A hundred thousand."
Xiāo Yăn asked a third time, "How many now?"
Hóu Jĭng boasted, "All within the four seas have submitted to me."

The rebels plundered wantonly the fallen capital. Hóu Jĭng did not miss the opportunity to humiliate terribly the social élites who had rebuffed him, especially the Wáng and Xiè clans who had earlier snubbed his marriage proposals - there was a great massacre.

On the 14th day, using the name of the captive emperor, Hóu Jĭng issued orders to the imperial relief armies to withdraw. Liú ZhòngLĭ and the other leaders actually abide by the order.

Rather than personally committing regicide, Hóu Jĭng ordered Xiāo Yăn to be locked up and denied food. On the 2nd day of the 5th month, the fatuous emperor who indulged in Buddhism starved to death at the age of 86.

Hóu Jĭng monopolised the Court and took on various titles, including that of the Prime Minister and Commander-in-Chief of the military. The traitor Xiāo ZhèngDé who betrayed Xiāo Yăn had originally been proclaimed emperor, but after the fall of TáiChéng, he was demoted to a secretarial post and marshal title, and eventually killed by Hóu Jĭng in the 6th month.

On the 26th day of the 5th month, Hóu Jĭng proclaimed the Crown Prince Xiāo Gāng as the new emperor, known historically as Emperor JiănWén of Liáng, while Hóu Jĭng remains the power behind the throne. That did not mean Hóu Jĭng got to control the entire Liáng empire - various regional military powers who were biding their time, with various imperial scions eyeing the crown for themselves.

And Hóu Jĭng knew it too.

[Yun]

On the 2nd day of the 5th month, the fatuous emperor who indulged in Buddhism starved to death at the age of 86.

I would object to the association of fatuousness with 'indulgence in Buddhism', which is a stereotype of the Confucians. Confucian historians have never approved of any ruler in the Age of Fragmentation who patronised Buddhism (e.g. Shi Hu, Xiao Yan and Gao Yang), and on the other hand have admired those emperors who proscribed Buddhism (e.g. Tuoba Tao and Yuwen Yong). But as my Honours thesis argues, Buddhist cakravartin kingship was actually a serious political ideology in the Age of Fragmentation, Sui and Tang, and Xiao Yan was only the biggest proponent of it in the Southern Dynasties. Xiao Yan's declining powers of judgment and lack of interest in ruling during the last decade of his reign can be explained in terms of complacency and family troubles, without blaming it on Buddhism.

Xiao Yan seems actually to have died of dehydration, making a coughing sound of "he, he". The meaning of this sound has been read deeper into by some historians. For example, Tang Changru suggests that "he, he" was the battle cry made by Southern armies when they were regrouping for a counter-attack, and that Xiao Yan was thus expressing his defiance towards Hou Jing and urging his subjects to fight back. I find this interpretation doubtful.

[snowybeagle]

I would object to the association of fatuousness with 'indulgence in Buddhism', which is a stereotype of the Confucians.
...
Xiao Yan's declining powers of judgment and lack of interest in ruling during the last decade of his reign can be explained in terms of complacency and family troubles, without blaming it on Buddhism.

I was actually directing it at his indulgence, one of which he tried to enter monkhood several times and had the Court officials "ransom" him from the temples with exhorbitant sums of money. IIRC, he also sponsored "beautifying" of temples at public expense.

Certainly his fatuousness was more than just his lavishing huge amounts of money for Buddhism (which in a story, the monk Damo said was worth nothing to Xiao Yan's credit), his lack of interest and failure to keep the officials, nobilities and royalties in line by refusing to discipline them was also a factor.

Xiao Yan seems actually to have died of dehydration, making a coughing sound of "he, he". The meaning of this sound has been read deeper into by some historians. For example, Tang Changru suggests that "he, he" was the battle cry made by Southern armies when they were regrouping for a counter-attack, and that Xiao Yan was thus expressing his defiance towards Hou Jing and urging his subjects to fight back. I find this interpretation doubtful.

I thought so too, and hence I did not include that portion in the translations.

[Yun]

I was actually directing it at his indulgence, one of which he tried to enter monkhood several times and had the Court officials "ransom" him from the temples with exhorbitant sums of money.

There are a few different ways of looking at this. One would be to see it as a cynical method of raising donations for the Tongtai Monastery; another would be that it was a legitimate part of cakravartin kingship in which patronage of the sangha would bring victory in battle. It is notable that the first incidence of entering the monkhood in 527 (which ended after just 4 days without any objection from the ministers) came after a relatively successful northern campaign, and that Xiao Yan changed the reign title immediately after he returned to being an emperor - a sign of the hope of more auspicious things to come. The second incident in 529 came soon after the failed northern campaign led by Chen Qingzhi with the puppet emperor Yuan Hao, and also after an inauspicious fire on the Zhuque Bridge south of Jiankang. This time he stayed for 17 days, and the court made a big donation to redeem him. When he returned to the palace, he changed the reign title. The third such incident was in 547, lasted 48 days, and involved a court donation of an equivalent sum to that in 529. This came a month after Hou Jing surrendered to the Liang with 13 Eastern Wei provinces, and even while Xiao Yan was spending his 48 days as a monk, he was also dispatching his generals north to take control of the surrendered provinces. After returning to the palace, he changed his reign title for the last time in his life. The evidence is strong that taking the tonsure was a religious ritual that had political and ideological significance, just like the imperial sacrifices on Mount Tai.

[Xiao Yan's lectures at the Tongtai Monastery in the 3rd and 4th lunar months of 546, which were followed soon after by an outbreak of fire in the monastery (to the glee of Confucian historians, no doubt), have often been seen as another case of entering the monkhood. But the records do not support this interpretation.]

Yet another way of looking at it is to interpret Xiao Yan's desire for the monkhood as a reflection of his distress at encountering family woes. His first entrance to the monkhood came after his son Xiao Lun's defection to the Wei during the otherwise successful 526 northern campaign; the death of Xiao Yan's treacherous elder brother Xiao Hong after a failed plot to assassinate him in conspiracy with Xiao Yan's own daughter Princess Yongxing (she had been having an affair with Xiao Hong); and the stripping of the fief of another disgraceful son Xiao Lun, who had been using witchcraft to curse his father out of resentment at being disciplined for his atrocious behaviour (Xiao Yan had wanted to execute Xiao Lun, but was dissuaded by the crown prince Xiao Tong). His beloved Concubine Ding (who had been de facto empress since Xiao Yan's first wife died before he became an emperor) also passed away at that time. However, this does not explain the two subsequent incidents in 529 and 547, when there were no family troubles involved.